Monday, 7 June 2010

Explaining the English Defence League


The ominously named English Defence League have, in the past year, been travelling the country holding street demonstrations with the stated purpose of "opposing Islamic extremism". The fortunes of the EDL have been in direct opposition to the decline in the fortunes of the British National Party, who, while receiving a total of 500,000 votes in the recent general election, had expected to do considerably better; and have, in recent times, been plagued by factionalism and splits - not to mention a disillusionment of more hardcore elements over the party's decision to allow Black and Asian membership.

The EDL seem to have appeared from nowhere. Representing a diverse mix ranging from football hooligans, unemployed and working class youths, seasoned far-right activists, and even a smither of (allegedly) gay rights protesters at one rally, the EDL have come onto the scene to fill the void left by a political mainstream who long ago vacated the electoral territory of the white working class. A specifically protest orientated grouping, thus far the EDL has not engaged with electoral politics.

Worryingly, Nick Lowles, of Searchlight, has said: “What we are seeing now is the most serious, most dangerous, political phenomenon that we have had in Britain for a number of years. With EDL protests that are growing week in, week out there is a chance for major disorder and a major political shift to the right in this country.”

A recent undercover Guardian report highlighted plans by the EDL to hit racially sensitive areas over the summer months, including Bradford and Tower Hamlets, raising the spectre of a repeat of the race riots that plagued the North of England in 2001; and leaving the chilling prospect of far-right activists of all stripes descending en masse upon Bradford's large Asian communities during the August Bank Holiday weekend.

"Since the last major riot, many shops have moved out, businesses have collapsed, and jobs have been lost. The Odeon Cinema is rotting away, and half the city has become one massive hole in the ground. Only last week, another Yorkshire Ripper-style mass murderer “the Crossbow Cannibal” was arrested for murdering prostitutes. Black, white or Asian, impoverished long-suffering Bradfordians just want to get on their lives in peace, not suffer the mother of all race riots."



Bradford South Labour MP, Gerry Sutcliffe has said: "We support legitimate protest but this is not legitimate, it is designed to stir up trouble. The people of Bradford will want no part of it.”

If he really believes, or is attempting to imply, that the EDL do not have widespread support in white working-class households, then to describe him as politically naive would be over-generous. It is perhaps indicative of the sense of denial inside the Labour Party at the disillusionment felt by so many of their traditionally "core" voters; and he ignores at his peril the historical susceptibility of the working classes to race-based demagoguery when a vacuum is left by the abandonment of their traditional defenders inside the Labour movement.

One issue, discussion of which has all too commonly been dismissed as "racist", that the EDL have cottoned onto, is the creeping and unopposed return of religion to the public sphere in the form of Sharia and the repressive Burka, shamefully ignored by the Guardian-reading chatterati who, as it happens, don't live in those areas that harbour the fractured communities of unemployed British youth living directly alongside burka-wearing woman and Muslim communities. It is this lacerating sense, so keenly felt, that every other group in Britain is indulged while the white working class are dismissed as kebab eating, Stella drinking "chavs": the only group in British society who cannot dance/parade/swagger through the streets on a parade to celebrate an accident of birth (sorry, one's culture) without being immediately written off as beyond the pale. The social networking site Facebook was recently awash with groups speculating that the England football shirt had been "banned" from public places due to the potential offence it may cause ethnic minorities. While untrue and ridiculous, the perception held by so many that this really was true says a lot about the contempt with which great swathes of society feels they are held by the ruling classes.

The gradual journey of the Labour Party away from an alternative economic model has coincided with their championing of the notion that one's race, gender, ailment, or even sexual preference, qualifies one for the adoption of the over-used term "progressive". It becomes rather easy to see how a member of the urban poor might feel somewhat distant from those whom, claiming to represent "progressive" opinion, need only utter the sacred phrase "speaking as a ....." while expectantly assuming that their hide, sexuality, or disability will act as the only needed qualification in and of itself. That the only people seemingly speaking for them and who look and sound like them sometimes hold a sinister agenda and deeply unpleasant racist views is unimportant when viewed through the prism of identity politics - all they in fact need is to be "speaking as a white working class male". Identity politics works both ways.

The disappearance of manufacturing and job stability smashed the post-war consensus built upon the idea of full employment and the "working community" - i.e. factory and pub life coexisting side by side. All that remains is a periphery of low skilled, poorly paid jobs that offer little in the way of pride and less in the way of job security. Significance no longer comes through work and the only meaning left is felt through patriotism and the love of one's country: something which feels increasingly threatened by the decline in the importance of the nation state, the decline in Britain's standing in the world, and the increasing insecurity generated by capitalism's global context - which brings with it the mass movement of capital and the mass movement of ever cheaper labour. Mass immigration from inside the European Union and an unwillingness to integrate by many of those coming from outside the EU results in a toxic mix of alienation and poverty, both cultural and financial - the ideal and most fertile soil in which the seed of far-right politics is free to germinate.

Is the most sensible way to confront a group such as the EDL to write-off a generation of working class youth as "Nazi scum"?; and to scoff and intellectually defecate on the soft, football supporting patriotism, group solidarity and desire for "real work" that probably occupies the minds ot the majority of EDL members? Or is it possible to robustly confront the racism and anti-Asian bigotry (I won't use the silly term "Islamophobia") at the forefront of the EDL, while also seeking to provide real jobs and a route out of poverty and an all-together crap life by offering something more substantial than bingo and the lottery in those places where the EDL and BNP gather the greatest support?

As the EDL becomes more mainstream it may well fracture into disparate groupings. Or, unless something is done about the profound sense of alienation felt by so many at not just the bottom, but the lower middle as well (historically the base of fascism), there may be something more than a few fights in Whetherspoons on match day to contend with - by which time those most enthusiastic advocates of both the ruthless free market and multiculturalism will be safely enclosed in their gated communities, - while both of those groupings whom the labour movement always claimed to represent: the poor and ethnic minorities, will suffer the real consequences of dithering inaction and an unwillingness to confront a potentially nightmarish situation in the here and now through fear of what are trivial by comparison short-term consequences.

8 comments:

  1. The fortunes of the EDL have been in direct opposition to the decline in the fortunes of the British National Party

    I don't think this is even remotely true and only makes sense if you have your chronology seriously mixed up.

    The English Defence League was founded and started gaining traction in the months after the biggest electoral victory in the BNP's history, the election of two MEP's last year.

    In the last 6 months the number of people turning out for EDL demos has been more or less static. If what you say is true then we would have expected to see an influx of disillusioned BNP activists into the ranks of the EDL from May onwards. This hasn't happened and most active BNP members have steered clear of the EDL.

    a disillusionment of more hardcore elements over the party's decision to allow Black and Asian membership.

    I don't think this is true either, where are you getting this stuff from?

    I can think of only one individual this applies to, Chris Jackson in Rochdale and he has stayed clear of the EDL as well and is now an active National Front member (for how long remains to be seen).

    The picture you paint is a plausible narrative but it's not one which is actually happening.

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  2. "The fortunes of the EDL have been in direct opposition to the decline in the fortunes of the British National Party"

    "I don't think this is even remotely true and only makes sense if you have your chronology seriously mixed up."

    The BNP have been in total disaray ever since the resolution to allow black and Asian membership. There are factional splits owing to said decision. They achieved a poor election result despite a level of publicity unprecedented in their party's history. Far-right forums have been awash with complaints from BNP members over their decision to allow non-white membership. At the same time, EDL rallies have become increasingly infested with those of the extreme right.

    It would not seem to be a giant stretch of the imagination to presume that many of these far-right activists are also members of the BNP, are also among those who fill far-right forums bemoaning the "softening" of the BNP, and are also representative of the leadership - themselves (including the founder not mentioned below) with records either as BNP organisers or minor activists.

    "In the last 6 months the number of people turning out for EDL demos has been more or less static."

    Not at all. Since the founding of the movement in Luton the demos have grown exponentially. An example would be the size of the protest in Stoke as compared to an earlier protest in Nottingham - the Stoke meeting was much bigger yet took place in a smaller town but at a latter date.

    "I don't think this is true either, where are you getting this stuff from?"

    Visit Stormfront - this was the standard narrative for months at a time: "fuckin BNP's gone soft innit?, EDL's where its at".

    "This hasn't happened and most active BNP members have steered clear of the EDL."

    *Chris Renton, a BNP activist from Weston Super Mare runs the EDL's website.

    *Davy Cooling: A 26-year-old known Luton football hooligan who now lives in Daventry, Cooling originates from Northern Ireland. He is a BNP member and registered his interest in attending the BNP’s Red, White and Blue festival in August. Cooling administers the Luton EDL Facebook page.

    I could go on and on and on.

    As I said, if you can stomach it, visit Stormfront or any other British nationalist forum and you will soon cotton on to the narrative.

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  3. I think you've been seriously misinformed James.

    “There are factional splits owing to said decision”

    The current factional split in the BNP is between two groups of the modernising wing of the BNP. Both Eddy Butler and Nick Griffin were key architects of the move towards an ethnic-nationalist party. Both support the decision to allow non-whites into the party. The idea they've now fallen out over this is silly.

    So, who has split over the decision to allow non-whites into the party? Who are these disgruntled hardliners leaving the BNP?

    “Far-right forums have been awash with complaints from BNP members over their decision to allow non-white membership. At the same time, EDL rallies have become increasingly infested with those of the extreme right”

    I would take what you read on Stormfront with a huge pinch of salt. Put it this way, as a committed anti-fascist I used to have an account there! The day when no anti-fascists, coppers or grasses posted on SF would be a quiet day there.

    Very, very few of the regular posters on SF, the British Democracy Forum or North-West Nationalists are genuine BNP members.

    What you have is some unsourced, anonymous internet postings complaining about the BNP going soft (people on SF have been saying this since I started reading it 5 years ago!) and then an unsupported claim for increased involvement from the far right in EDL demos.

    “Not at all. Since the founding of the movement in Luton the demos have grown exponentially”

    Sigh. Yes I agree with this.

    However, the exponential growth you're talking about happened shortly after the BNP had their greatest ever election success. If what you're saying is true then further growth should have taken place since the General Elections. Thankfully, this hasn’t happened and the EDL mobilised roughly the same number of people for Newcastle and Aylesbury as they took to Manchester and Leeds. In fact, the biggest demos have been in Bolton and Dudley, both over a month before the General Election so you're attributing a remarkable degree of clairvoyance to their supporters, reacting to a disappointing General Election which, er, hadn't happened yet.

    Also, since most BNP activists are in the public domain (since such a high percentage of the organisation stands in elections every year) it should be easy to name names. The fact we can't do that suggests they're not turning up!

    Why was the Stoke demo bigger than Nottingham? Well, what do you know about Stoke? There's a big far right presence there. I would be astounded if some BNP members hadn't turned up on the demo there though it's noticeable that none of the BNP's current or former councillors, organisers of parliamentary candidates were present on the Stoke demo, and people were looking for them!

    “Visit Stormfront - this was the standard narrative for months at a time: "fuckin BNP's gone soft innit?, EDL's where its at".”

    Read SF more carefully. Most posters there are hostile to the EDL after some EDL members battered some C18 supporters in London (see the RVF website for a statement on the incident).

    “I could go on and on and on”

    Please do. Chris Renton is no longer involved in the EDL (as in, he doesn't run the website anymore and hasn't been spotted at any demos, he's also a nobody in the BNP) and you've only named one other BNP member involved. I'm afraid I'd want a few more names before being convinced of lots of disillusioned BNP'ers joining the EDL.

    No prominent BNP member has endorsed the EDL and none of their 'middle management' (i.e. local organisers, council candidates) have either. None of them have attended demos or helped mobilise for them. There are a large number of disgruntled BNP members at the moment. What is significant is that they are gathering around Eddy Butler for a pointless challenge for the leadership not jumping ship to the EDL.

    Like I said, your narrative is certainly plausible but it isn't true.

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  4. I used some poor examples in mentioning the "leadership" in the sense that it's not really the leadership whom I'm referring to. My main point is about the growth of the EDL on the streets together with a poor showing in the General Election for the BNP. Now this may be unrelated to the BNP's decision to allow Black and Asian membership, I conced that, (although I'm sure there are those of the far-right who are happier in a more loosely based organisation such as the EDL where they can quite happily take to the streets shouting "Paki" without sanction from the organisation - something the BNP is trying to get past in order to display a more media-friendly face (similarly the EDL, but the very nature of the EDL makes this impossible).

    My main point is that the EDL grew fastest in the six months leading up to the election. The BNP then experienced a poor election result despite unprecedented publicity during the past year and, judging by the EDL's increasing popularity, increasing support for far-right patriotism. The BNP's poor election result I see more as a reflection of a frustration with the political process and a re engagement with street politics. It seems rather more than plausable to suspect that these two phenomenon are not totally unrelated.

    As to the Stoke/Nottingham point - Stoke indeed has a considerable far-right constituency; not to the same extent as Nottingham however, which has a long tradition of far-right activity, and is known for such; and also was the setting for the film *This is England* for that very reason.

    P.S. Where do you think the EDL movement is headed? More growth with the impending austerity measure? A decline?

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  5. Interesting discussion.

    Duncan, I'm really hoping you will do a post on the EDL at TCF some time, as I'd be really interested in your take on James' last question, where they are heading, what nature of beast they are.

    My first thought. The BNP middle management are not likely to sign up to the EDL out of disgruntlement that the BNP is not fascist and not white enough - because the EDL is also not fascist, and indeed is multi-ethnic. However, they are likely to be keeping a watching brief on it, especially if the BNP does go into terminal decline.

    My second thought. It seems to me that the EDL is on the up and the BNP is on the down, but I don't think these are directly connected and that is why the chronology doesn't exactly match up even though the broad strokes are right. The decline of the BNP is, I think, partly to do with how clear it has been from Griffin's QT appearance onwards that the BNP are actually fascist, and most of their electoral support have never been remotely fascist. Their soft support bought the spin that the "modernising" Euro-nationalists were selling, but that spin became more and more hollow as the leadership went into meltdown. The EDL's soft support are not fascist either. It is this nationalist and probably bigoted, but not fascist, fringe that we need to be watching now, and not the hardcore fascists in the Stormfront milieu.

    Are either of those thoughts plausible guys?

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  6. James,

    "My main point is about the growth of the EDL on the streets together with a poor showing in the General Election for the BNP."

    I think the problem here is that, in contrasting the recent fortunes of the BNP and the EDl, you're thinking of the British far right as a homogenous unit where either their collective fortunes must go up or down or if one group grows it must be at the expense of another (as was the case in the late 1980’s when the NF slid into obscurity and other far right groups grew, but without the overall number of active fascists in Britain going up or down).

    In fact, I think the BNP and the EDL are separate entities with different political genealogies even though both of them fit the label ‘far right’. The BNP can still be placed in the fascist political tradition, even if much of their current rhetoric is at odds with that, and the political CV’s of all the main players

    In contrast, the origins of the EDL are in football firms, which with a few exceptions have never been explicitly linked to right-wing groups despite the latter’s fantasy about this, and other ‘right but not racist, honest guv’ groups from around the milieu of loyalist supporters on the mainland, as in March for England or the British Ulster Alliance.

    I think it’s useful to compare what’s happening now with the last time, to my knowledge, when some football firms became politically active which was in the early 90’s in opposition to Irish republicanism. It was during this time that large numbers turned out to attack the Bloody Sunday demos in London and the Scottish National Firm was formed, involving supporters from almost every team except Celtic.

    Although this was disruptive and dangerous at the time, and sparked some high profile incidents like the abandoning of the England – Ireland football game in 1995 mid-match, this movement was short-lived and fizzled out.

    This is why I think it makes sense to treat the EDL and the BNP separately, even if I think that support for both of them is being generated by the same underlying processes (the short of things you identify in this post for example).

    "The BNP's poor election result I see more as a reflection of a frustration with the political process and a re engagement with street politics."

    Why? Who in the BNP is getting frustrated with the electoral 'ladder-strategy'? It’s been so long since the BNP engaged in street politics that almost all the people who supportered a return are dead or retired.

    "Where do you think the EDL movement is headed? More growth with the impending austerity measure? A decline? "

    Short answer: I optimistically don’t think they’re going anywhere. They are failing to sustain their initial momentum, are under intense pressure from the police and could potentially fracture as the leadership of the EDL is increasingly linking up with figures from the American and European neo-conservative right. This last point will do down like a pint of cold sick amongst many of their supporters.

    Bob,

    “I'm really hoping you will do a post on the EDL at TCF some time”

    It’s on my to-do list! Next up is a post (which I’ll try and do tomorrow) on Eddy Butler’s leadership challenge. The EDL are potentially dangerous and much more interested in direct confrontation but the main threat from the far right is still undoubtedly the BNP.

    Also, have you seen this article: http://liveraf.wordpress.com/2010/06/24/addressing-the-problem-of-the-english-defence-league/

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